Byzantium as Rome
The discussion opens by rejecting the idea that Byzantium was a separate civilization. Kaldellis argues the so called Byzantine Empire was the Roman Empire continuing in the East.
Anthony Kaldellis is a historian of the Roman Empire and author of “The New Roman Empire”, a comprehensive history of the Byzantine Empire (Eastern Roman Empire). Thank you for listening ❤ Check out our sponsors: https://lexfridman.com/sponsors/ep498-sc https://lexfridman.com/sponsors/ep498-sc See below for timestamps, transcript, and to give feedback, submit questions, contact Lex, etc. Transcript: https://lexfridman.com/anthony-kaldellis-transcript https://lexfridman.com/anthony-kaldellis-transcript CONTACT LEX: Feedback – give feedback to Lex: https://lexfridman.com/survey https://lexfridman.com/survey AMA – submit questions, videos or call-in: https://lexfridman.com/ama https://lexfridman.com/ama Hiring – join our team: https://lexfridman.com/hiring https://lexfridman.com/hiring Other – other ways to get in touch: https://lexfridman.com/contact https://lexfridman.com/contact EPISODE LINKS: Anthony’s Books: https://amzn.to/49AX7Q1 https://amzn.to/49AX7Q1 Anthony’s Publications: https://kaldellispublications.weebly.com https://kaldellispublications.weebly.com Anthony’s University of Chicago page: https://classics.uchicago.edu/people/anthony-kaldellis https://classics.uchicago.edu/people/anthony-kaldellis The New Roman Empire (book): https://amzn.to/3PTFTqk https://amzn.to/3PTFTqk Streams of Gold (book): https://amzn.to/4fgRMRq https://amzn.to/4fgRMRq Byzantium & Friends Podcast: https://byzantiumandfriends.podbean.com/ https://byzantiumandfriends.podbean.com/ The History of Byzantium Podcast: https://thehistoryofbyzantium.com/ https://thehistoryofbyzantium.com/
The discussion opens by rejecting the idea that Byzantium was a separate civilization. Kaldellis argues the so called Byzantine Empire was the Roman Empire continuing in the East.
As context, they sketch Rome from kings to republic to imperial monarchy. The Roman state is framed as a continuous political story lasting from early antiquity to 1453.
Many famous dates are treated as labels for long processes rather than sharp breaks. The split of East and West and the fall of the West are presented as gradual transformations.
Roman identity is described as political before it is ethnic or cultural. Continuity came from membership in a state and a shared narrative, not from one language or religion.
Elite authors sometimes expressed strong pride in being Roman. More broadly, imperial cohesion rested on a practical consensus that rule, taxation, and protection formed a mutual bargain.
Romans from distant eras would look very different from one another. Yet shared institutions like military oaths and Roman law created recognizable continuity across time.
The late Roman state projected an image of rulers as responsive, accountable, and tirelessly devoted to subjects. Kaldellis argues this was not empty language but part of how the system held together.
Emperors had immense formal power but were highly vulnerable to coups and rebellions. Because rulers could be overthrown violently, they had incentives to keep subjects and elites broadly satisfied.
The hippodrome and other public spaces acted as arenas of ongoing political feedback. Crowds could cheer, boo, petition, and sometimes force emperors to reverse decisions.
The Edict of Caracalla extended Roman citizenship to nearly all free inhabitants of the empire. Its importance lies not just in the decree, but in the fact that the empire enforced it seriously.
The third century combined civil war, invasions, inflation, plague, and fractured authority. Even so, the crisis is presented as uneven, with some regions continuing ordinary life despite turmoil at the top.
Diocletian stabilized the empire by building bigger government, stronger taxation, and a multi emperor system. His reforms created the late Roman administrative framework that shaped the eastern empire for centuries.
Throughout the conversation, taxation is treated as the central mechanism of imperial cohesion. Census, revenue, military funding, and local integration all depended on a dense fiscal structure.
Constantine emerged from civil war and founded Constantinople on a strategic crossroads. The city became a new Roman center that unified the eastern Mediterranean politically and geographically.
Constantine's adoption of Christianity is presented as a world changing decision. Rather than Christianity simply conquering Rome, the empire absorbed and reorganized the religion within imperial structures.
The empire did not become fully Christian overnight. Conversion took centuries and spread through incentives, legal pressures, institutions, ritual, and the growing prestige of imperial support.
Christianity gave the empire a strong shared identity while also generating internal conflict over doctrine. Kaldellis stresses that religion was both a unifying force and a source of division.
Constantinople's rise from a modest city to a giant capital depended on migration, elite relocation, and imperial provisioning. Its expansion reflected a major eastward shift in Roman power and investment.
The western empire is described as collapsing through a vicious cycle of invasions, territorial loss, and shrinking revenue. Once provinces were lost, the state could no longer fund the armies needed to recover them.
The East benefited from geography, fortifications, and stronger fiscal endurance. More importantly, local communities continued to see Roman rule as their natural political home.
The eastern empire combined military organization, civilian administration, law, and church institutions. Its government was large, layered, and deeply involved in daily social and economic life.
Eunuchs played major roles in palace administration and sometimes in high politics or military command. Their importance came from proximity to the emperor and dependence on imperial favor rather than family networks.
Kaldellis rejects the image of disconnected rural populations living outside state reach. Taxation, coinage, churches, calendars, and law tied even remote communities into imperial structures.
The empire is described as both monarchical and republican in Roman terms. It had an emperor, but rulers were still expected to serve the common good of the polity.
Although emperors controlled large armies, they rarely used them for routine domestic repression. This distinguishes the empire from a simple military dictatorship and points to deeper political legitimacy.
Justinian is portrayed as brilliant, destructive, transformative, and hard to classify. He codified Roman law, built monumental works, reconquered territory, and also overextended the empire and ruled brutally.
Justinian's legal codification became the main surviving body of Roman law. Its concepts of property, contract, family, and legal order shaped later European civil law traditions.
The plague is acknowledged as real and serious, but Kaldellis questions maximalist claims of total collapse. He argues the empire's institutions and wars continued too steadily for a 50 percent die off.
Heraclius is credited with defeating Persia after the empire neared extinction. Yet his civil war helped create the crisis, and the victory was quickly overshadowed by Arab conquests.
The seventh century brought the loss of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. The empire survived by pulling back, militarizing its core, and slowly rebuilding after immense shock.
Greek fire symbolizes the empire's ability to adapt militarily. Along with strong walls, fleets, and capable leadership, it helped Constantinople survive major sieges.
The icon controversy mattered deeply to certain rulers and church figures, but Kaldellis doubts it dominated popular life. He sees its historical scale as exaggerated by the surviving sources.
The empire repeatedly endured sudden external shocks followed by long periods of consolidation and regrowth. Kaldellis argues the real story is not decline, but resilience.
The empire's troubles after its Macedonian high point are attributed mainly to simultaneous external attacks. Normans, steppe raiders, and Seljuk Turks strained a system that had otherwise remained viable.
Kaldellis places irreversible decline in the early fourteenth century, not earlier. By then, the loss of Asia Minor, civil wars, Serbian expansion, and plague had exhausted the empire's reserves.
Its durability came from credible public service, dense institutions, and a strong Roman Orthodox identity. Subjects complained and fought, but they generally preferred this order to the alternatives around them.
The conversation closes by drawing lessons about institutions, legitimacy, and the gap between rhetoric and action. Durable states, Kaldellis suggests, persuade people that power serves the public and then mostly make that true.
Kaldellis argues that humans across eras remain recognizably similar in ambition, fear, love, and conflict. What changes most is the cultural and technological setting that shapes those impulses.
In closing, he uses long historical perspective to resist despair about the present. Compared with harsher eras, modern humanity still appears to be living through a broad period of flourishing.